
165
are not equitably distributed across states, while the cluster classification further demonstrates that
states fall into distinct tiers of digital readiness.
The superior performance of Union Territories such as Chandigarh, Delhi, Puducherry, and
Lakshadweep, along with states such as Tamil Nadu and Punjab, reflects how fiscal capacity,
administrative efficiency, and urban concentration facilitate stronger digital infrastructure
penetration. This pattern aligns with findings by Vishnu et al. (2024), who constructed a composite
digital infrastructure index for higher education and reported significant regional imbalances across
Indian states. Although their focus was on higher education, the present study demonstrates that
similar disparities persist at the school level, particularly in government institutions. However,
national-level evidence suggests that infrastructure expansion remains insufficient in many regions.
Hota (2022) reports that only 16.26% of schools had computers and merely 7.42% had internet
facilities, highlighting a substantial digital deficit at the foundational level. These statistics
contextualize the inequality patterns identified in the present study, demonstrating that even states
categorized as transitional or lagging may be operating within a broader national infrastructure gap.
Conversely, states such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, and Chhattisgarh
remain digitally lagging. These findings resonate with Rawal (2024), who, using UDISE+ data,
observed that states with weaker infrastructure availability also showed slower progress in teacher
digital training. The strong association between infrastructure availability and teacher capacity
suggests that low digital intensity in lagging states may not only limit access but also constrain
pedagogical transformation. Thus, infrastructure inequality risks reinforcing the second-level
digital divide differences in effective usage rather than merely reflecting access disparities.
The clustering results further highlight the transitional position of states such as Maharashtra,
Haryana, Rajasthan, and Himachal Pradesh. These states demonstrate moderate ICT intensity,
indicating ongoing infrastructure expansion but incomplete saturation. Such findings align with
Basuki et al. (2024), who argue that digital education financing plays a crucial role in bridging
infrastructural gaps, particularly in regions undergoing digital transition. The present study extends
this argument by empirically demonstrating how transitional states occupy a policy-sensitive
middle zone where targeted fiscal intervention could significantly reduce inequality.
The digitally lagging cluster comprising states such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh,
Jharkhand, and Chhattisgarh reflects not merely infrastructural limitations but deeper socio-
economic disadvantages. Evidence from Oxfam India (2022) shows that only 4% of Scheduled
Tribe and Scheduled Caste students had access to a computer with internet connectivity, compared